Poor old Keith Mason

By Legal Eagle

Another post on the restitution vs equity divide! But this time, inspired by a MSM attack by Janet Albrechtsen on Keith Mason (former president of the NSWCA). I feel sorry for Mason - kicked in the teeth by the HCA, and then by Janet. Let’s have a look first at what Keith Mason said in his farewell speech which was so objectionable according to Albrechtsen. He speaks of the High Court’s judgment in Farah:

…the High Court’s response to this Court of Appeal’s erroneous though genuine attempt to develop legal principle go well beyond giving effect to the principle of a unitary common law of Australia. They have been read throughout the country as the assertion of a High Court monopoly in the essential developmental aspect of the common law.

In the same appeal, the High Court resolved an issue of controversial legal principle with a haughty declaration that it did not propose to examine a recently published critique on point emanating from a current English Law Lord or to examine other legal writing which “might offer support” for the legal proposition suggested by the Court of Appeal that the High Court proceeded to reject in categorical terms.

In combination, these discouraging rules of process for inferior courts and this adopted methodology for the High Court itself will have the effect of shutting off much of the oxygen of fresh ideas that would otherwise compete for acceptance in the free market of Australian jurisprudence. In my respectful opinion, decisionmaking by these blinkered methods will be stunted unnecessarily, whether it proceeds in the particular to the affirmation of older rules of law or to their principled development. If lower courts are excluded from venturing contributions that may push the odd envelope, then the law will be the poorer for it.

Albrechtsen says of this speech:

Enter Keith Mason. The former president of the NSW Court of Appeal used his recent retirement to spit the judicial dummy, demanding that the High Court stop being so critical of judges on lower courts who aim to improve and expand the law.

In the case of traditionalists v innovators, Mason believes he is on the side of innovating angels. He says he is no traditional black-letter lawyer who defers to precedent. He prefers a sexier judicial role. He is a legal innovator, as Chief Justice Jim Spigelman described Mason in his effusive praise at the Banco Court a few weeks ago. Innovator is code for judicial activist. Still smarting from a High Court case last year that overturned a decision of the NSW Court of Appeal, Mason - the judicial innovator - is incensed that the High Court snubbed his court’s attempt to expand the law to his liking. Without boring you with the arcane details of restitution, Mason went on a frolic, trying to extend the scope of unjust enrichment. The High Court refused to join in, basically telling the NSW Court of Appeal to do the right judicial thing and apply precedent.

Behaving like a judicial version of a woman scorned, Mason attacked our most senior court for claiming a monopoly in the development of common law in Australia. “If lower courts are excluded from venturing contributions that may push the odd envelope, then the law will be poorer for it.” By refusing Mason’s attempt to enrich the law, the High Court was adhering to “blinkered methods”. It had an “unduly inward-looking focus”. It was “shutting off much of the oxygen of fresh ideas”.

Let’s tease out the claims of this malcontent. The High Court is the nation’s final appellate court entrusted with declaring the law of the land. That aside, if every innovating judge attempts to push the envelope by creating new law, then it follows that precedent - quaintly known as the rule of law - counts for naught. The law becomes a moving, unknown beast. Unfortunately, such mundane matters as legal certainty don’t much matter to judges who wish to immortalise themselves by creating law to suit their concept of justice.

Judicial kvetching reached even more ridiculous levels last year when Mason said the High Court was guilty of using personally offensive language when it graded an error by a lower court as serious.

I happen to think that the NSWCA was out of line in Farah and that it should have (a) put restitutionary liability to the parties so that they could respond before embarking on a judgment based upon it; and (b) in the absence of HCA authority on restitutionary liability, applied the ordinary law of knowing receipt, and made obiter comments about restitutionary liability (much as Hansen J of the Victorian Supreme Court did in Koorootang Nominees Pty Ltd v Australian & New Zealand Banking Group Ltd [1998] 3 VR 16). So? Sometimes courts get it wrong. It happens.

But I also think that Farah is a bad and intemperate judgment (as described here). My understanding is that many State Court judges have interpreted it as a “slap in the face”, as Mason has asserted. Certainly, it is quite acerbic, in contrast to most High Court judgments of my experience.

I believe that the High Court is behaving in a way that is also activist, just in the opposite direction. It opposes extension to the law blindly. Rather than making a principled response, it exhibits blind prejudice against anything featuring the word “restitution” or anything that suggests that equity and common law might have some kind of synergy. I don’t really care a fig about restitution or fusion fallacy. What I do care about is justice for litigants, and if there is a suggestion that an unjust result can be avoided by expanding principle, then I think the expansion needs to be carefully considered.

I do not think it is at all appropriate to let personal prejudice about a particular interpretation of the law run riot in a judgment at the expense of litigants. A plague on both their houses, say I.

I think that Mason’s speech is also responding to another judgment in which he and Heydon JA (as he then was) were at odds: Harris v Digital Pulse Pty Ltd [2003] NSWCA 10 (featured in in another post here). I read Heydon JA’s judgment in that case as saying that no judge except one who is on the High Court can develop a new doctrine of law or equity when a novel factual scenario arises. As I said in my previous post, I think this view is unrealistic and elitist. Yes, like cases must be decided alike, but trial judges must also be given some leeway to respond to situations which are not covered by existing precedent.

I also happen to think rudeness and personal point scoring against other judges in judgments is the height of unprofessional behaviour, and extremely disrespectful to litigants. I tend to feel the same way about jokes and the like (I’m thinking of the Texan judge who made the infamous “football order” recently).

A judgment is not a personal grandstand for the judicial ego. Litigation occurs because two parties have a dispute and cannot resolve their differences otherwise. Presumably, these issues are very important to the parties if they have made it to the courtroom. They will already have spent a good deal of time, energy and money in litigation. It cannot be forgotten that judges have an immense amount of power over the lives of others.

I also think judges have to be very careful about extra-judicial statements to which they put their name. The genesis of the “rudeness” debate between Heydon and Mason arose in Harris because of some extra-judicially sanctioned comments made about the trial judge in Harris, Palmer J. As a background, in the fourth edition of Meagher, Gummow and Lehane’s Equity: Doctrines and Remedies (of which Heydon JA was one of the authors), there was a summary of Palmer J’s judgment which was very critical and indeed rude:

Palmer J (‘the poor man’s Robin Cooke’) has disregarded all this learning and principle, and decided that damages [can] be awarded in a claim for equitable compensation … but one hopes that this is a decision that will never be followed.

(See R P Meagher, J D Heydon and M J Leeming, Meagher, Gummow and Lehane’s Equity: Doctrines and Remedies (4th ed, 2002) at 839. Robin Cooke, for the uninitiated, was a late famed New Zealand judge, learned in law and equity.)

In Harris, Mason P said at [106] about the above extract “the reasons are stated with customary trenchantness, but marred by an unscholarly descent into personal abuse.” I could not agree more. But later, although his Honour disagreed with the ultimate conclusion made by Heydon JA, he did not descend into personal abuse, and indeed, he said at [165]:

I am indebted to Heydon JA’s analysis of these matters. The profound learning in that judgment reveals why his Honour will be greatly missed when he leaves this Court to take up office as a Justice of the High Court of Australia.

That is a professional and appropriate response, in my opinion.

In conclusion, I’ve got news for you, Janet. The law is a “a moving, unknown beast.” I know that sends terror into the heart of all and sundry, but the fact of the matter is that the law changes and shifts with time (generally slowly, but it does). Otherwise we could still apply decisions from 200 years ago and not bother with any new decisions. The law has to shift or else it becomes unjust, calcified in precedent, and unable to adapt to changing circumstance. I agree with Mason’s speech, even though I did not agree with the NSW Court of Appeal’s decision in Say-Dee v Farah. I find the present High Court’s blind prejudice against any expansion of the law to be very disappointing, and what is more, potentially unjust.

Good people

By Legal Eagle

I’ve had a lot on my plate lately: marking a stack of exams, a conference paper that was supposed to be due in yesterday (erm…they’ll have to wait), amending another paper for publication, doing a PhD, looking after a 2 year old, another child on the way, as well as a terrible cold and cough which I’ve had for over two weeks and I just can’t shake it. This explains why I’ve been AWOL from the blog for a few days.

Anyway, Miss Two managed to wheedle me into taking her to McDonalds at lunchtime yesterday. I was feeling weak so I conceded. We were standing in the queue and I started to feel a bit funny. As we approached the counter, I realised I was about to faint. I have a bit of a tendency to do this. Instead of ordering a Happy Meal as intended, I slumped to the floor. I’m sure I didn’t fall gracefully, particularly given my bulk at the moment, but I don’t really know.

The good thing was how many people helped me - someone put a jumper under my head, someone got me a drink of water, everyone kept an eye on my daughter and reassured her. Later, a lady went up to the counter and placed my food order for me, as well as checking whether I was okay to drive home.

Fortunately, after resting for a while and eating some food, I felt a lot better. It was a bit embarrassing to collapse like that in public, but the nice thing was seeing how many good people there were who were willing to help me. Restores your faith in humanity!

Rebates and bonuses

By Legal Eagle

I note that there has been a contretemps between the Federal Government and ABC Learning over ABC Learning’s decision to raise childcare fees, although it insists this is not a respose to the Federal Budget’s decision to increase childcare rebate fees. ABC Learning is not alone; in a strange coincidence, the childcare centre to which I send my daughter has also decided to raise its fees. I suspect that many other childcare centres have (purely by coincidence, of course) decided to raise their fees.

I also note that obstetrician’s fees seem to have increased quite a bit in the two and a half years since I had my daughter, and funnily enough, so has the Baby Bonus…

And those First Home Buyer’s Grants? I think housing prices rose in part because of the grants - people knew that they could ask a first home buyer to pay just that little bit more.

I’m starting to have suspicions - are these rebates, bonuses and grants the right way in which to tackle the problems that they are designed to address? As soon as they are granted, the cost of the relevant service or thing seems to rise to incorporate the grant. Thus the benefit to the individual is minimal: the cost just swallows the grant, and I end up paying exactly the same as I always did. As far as I can see, it’s just the law of the market - you know that you can get the consumer to pay the same amount he or she has always paid, and the rebate or whatever will cover the rise.

So I really do wonder about the wisdom of such rebates and bonuses from the government’s point of view. I’m profoundly glad to have access to them, because it means that I can cover the increased price rises - but I do wonder if there would be a price rise at all if there wasn’t a bonus or rebate. And I suspect they will make little difference to me in terms of the net amount I have to pay.

I’m no economist (far from it): just thinkin’ is all…

Pointless populism, parts #3 & #17

By skepticlawyer

I don’t carry much of a brief for Get Up (more failed socialist economics), but as Terje over at Thoughts on Freedom points out, they got one thing right. Enjoy.

Nature abhors a vacuum…

By Legal Eagle

… whereas the present Australian High Court abhors restitution lawyers.

On that point, I’m going to do something I don’t normally do, and talk “shop”, which may be boring for all those not obsessed with unjust enrichment, but I have to get it off my chest. After all, I am a restitution lawyer of sorts, although a moderate one rather than a zealot.

Last year, as I have described in this post, the High Court put the boot into restitution law very thoroughly in Farah Constructions Pty Ltd v Say-Dee Pty Ltd [2007] HCA 22, rejecting the New South Wales Court of Appeal’s restitutionary analysis of knowing receipt of property in breach of fiduciary duty.

So I was a little nervous when I heard that the High Court had just handed down its decision in Lumbers v W Cook Builders Pty Ltd (in liq) [2008] HCA 27. The good news is that the judgment is not nearly as bad as I thought it might be. Of course, the High Court rejects the restitutionary arguments of the respondent, but not with quite the same amount of contempt as Farah.

The facts of Lumbers are a little unusual, which may explain the result of the case.

In 1993, the Lumbers made an oral contract with a construction company called W Cook & Sons (”Sons”), which had an established reputation in the building industry. Sons was to build a large, unusual and expensive house on certain land in South Haven, South Australia for the Lumbers. W Cook Builders Pty Ltd (”Builders”) was a company in the same corporate group as Sons, but with a different director. Unlike Sons, it was not a licensed builder. At some point, without the knowledge or consent of the Lumbers, the companies underwent an unofficial corporate reorganisation, and Builders completed most of the construction of the Lumbers’ house. However, Lumbers only ever dealt with the director of Sons, and as far as they were aware, Sons were responsible for the building of the house. Payments for the work were made on request by the director of Sons on an ad hoc basis which did not actually reflect the value of the work done or the cost of the materials. The house was completed in May 1995.

In 1998, Builders went into liquidation, and in 1999, it made a demand of the Lumbers for a certain amount of money representing outstanding sums for work done but not paid for. Builders also made the same demand against Sons, but was unable to proceed against Sons because it could not provide security for costs. Unfortunately, as the trial judge noted, great difficulties arose from the “casual basis on which the parties have chosen to deal with each other”.

Builders made two claims: that the benefit of the 1993 contract between the Lumbers and Sons had been assigned to it, or alternatively, that it was entitled to a quantum meruit representing the value of the work done on the basis of principles of unjust enrichment. Obviously, there were difficulties with the claim against the Lumbers, because the Lumbers had never had any dealings with Builders, had not known about the arrangement between Builders and Sons or consented to it, and the demand for payment was made well after the Lumbers thought that the payments for the house had been fully settled to the satisfaction of Sons. And most importantly, there was no contractual relationship whatsoever between the Lumbers and Builders.

In the event, Builders’ claim failed on both bases before the High Court. Gleeson CJ delivered a separate judgment, and Gummow, Hayne, Crennan and Kiefel JJ delivered a joint judgment, but the essence of the judgments was the same.

The High Court (like the Full Court of South Australia) rejected the argument that there had been an assignment of the benefit of the contract to Builders from Sons. However, unlike the majority of the Full Court, the High Court also rejected the notion that the Lumbers had been “unjustly enriched” by receipt of work for which they had not given value. They held that the Full Court had been wrong to set aside the contractual relationship of the parties when considering principles of unjust enrichment. Both judgments cited the decision of Lord Goff in Pan Ocean Shipping Co Ltd v Creditcorp Ltd [1994] 1 WLR 161, 166; [1994] 1 All ER 470, 475 in which his Lordship said:

I am of course well aware that writers on the law of restitution have been exploring the possibility that, in exceptional circumstances, a plaintiff may have a claim in restitution when he has conferred a benefit on the defendant in the course of performing an obligation to a third party… But, quite apart from the fact that the existence of a remedy in restitution in such circumstances must still be regarded as a matter of debate, it is always recognised that serious difficulties arise if the law seeks to expand the law of restitution to redistribute risks for which provision has been made under an applicable contract.

Of course, the joint judgment couldn’t resist making a few little digs at restitution law - the usual stuff about “top-down reasoning” and unjust enrichment creating incoherence in other areas of private law came out at paras [77] - [78]:

“The Lumbers are not shown to have received a “benefit” at Builders’ “expense” which they “accepted”, and which it would be unconscionable for them to retain without payment. No less importantly, proper analysis of the legal relationships revealed by the evidence will illustrate the dangers inherent in “top-down reasoning”.

The application of a framework for analysis expressed only at the level of abstraction adopted in this case, by reference to “benefit”, “expense” and “acceptance” coupled with considerations of unconscionability, creates a serious risk of producing a result that is discordant with accepted principle, thus creating a lack of coherence with other branches of the law.

Secondly, at para [85], the High Court expressly refuted the suggestion that Deane J had created an overarching principle of unjust enrichment in Australian law in Pavey & Matthews v Paul [1987] HCA 5; (1987) 162 CLR 221:

The second point to be noted is that unjust enrichment was identified as a legal concept unifying “a variety of distinct categories of case”. It was not identified as a principle which can be taken as a sufficient premise for direct application in particular cases. Rather, as Deane J emphasised in Pavey & Matthews, it is necessary to proceed by “the ordinary processes of legal reasoning” and by reference to existing categories of cases in which an obligation to pay compensation has been imposed. “To identify the basis of such actions as restitution and not genuine agreement is not to assert a judicial discretion to do whatever idiosyncratic notions of what is fair and just might dictate.” On the contrary, what the recognition of the unifying concept does is to assist “in the determination, by the ordinary processes of legal reasoning, of the question whether the law should, in justice, recognise such an obligation in a new or developing category of case” (emphasis added).

These points are consistent with the judgment of Gummow J in Roxborough v Rothmans of Pall Mall [2001] HCA 68; (2001) 208 CLR 516.

What now for the law of unjust enrichment in Australia? Does it have a future? Or has it been reduced to a vague and toothless “concept”? I sincerely hope the latter is not so. I continue to believe that unjust enrichment law has a valid and separate place in Australian law, and that it can provide answers where no other area of the law of obligations can do so.

I also think that it makes sense to add a little more order to the law. I don’t really understand the High Court’s aversion to “top-down reasoning” (where the Court considers areas of the law which are not strictly raised by the facts in an effort to organize or explain an area of law more clearly, often in light of theory or broader principle). Surely if you rule out top-down reasoning, strictly speaking you rule out the concept of obiter dictum entirely? Richard Posner, law and economics scholar and US judge, has argued that there is a role for both “top-down reasoning” and “bottom-up reasoning” by courts, and I think he is right. I certainly wouldn’t suggest that judges can totally reorganise 200 years of established law on a whim, but one can tidy it a little so that it is easier for practitioners and litigants to understand and apply!

Galileo proved that vacuums occur in nature, and so it is not actually true that nature abhors a vacuum.

In the end, I hope the abhorrence of restitution will go the same way, and the High Court will come to a sensible “middle ground” which accepts some operation of unjust enrichment law, without letting unjust enrichment take over the law of obligations altogether where it is not appropriate for it to do so.

David Davis for Freedom

By skepticlawyer

The GOP has always had something of a libertarian wing - albeit one bludgeoned into submission at George W Bush’s hands. The UK’s Conservatives, by contrast, were for many years able to do without. Margaret Thatcher put paid to that, although she had a huge fight with elements of her own party before she could advance her economic reforms.

David Cameron seemed all set to airbrush Thatcher’s legacy - and libertarianism generally - out of the Tory party, until brought up short by David Davis and his stance on New Labour’s 42 days. That’s 42 days detention without charge for those unfamiliar with the labyrinthine excesses of British politics. The old figure - already the highest in any Western democracy - was 28 days. A couple of other countries (including Australia) are currently sitting on 12. The UK was already ‘ahead of the curve’ in the worst possible sense.

After Gordon Brown had to engage in the lowest form of Tammany Hall politicking in order to get Labour’s 42 days through the Commons (exploiting 9 Northern Irish MPs and their fear of terrorism), Davis resigned his seat and position as shadow Home Secretary, challenging Labour to stand against him over civil liberties. At first Westminster insiders laughed at him, thinking him vainglorious and egotistical, taking away from Opposition Leader David Cameron’s already impressive lead in the polls. The public, however, reacted unexpectedly:

The Indy now realises that DD has captured the public’s imagination, the Times’s William Rees Mogg admits his own failure to grasp the strength of public feeling and here at the Guardian, Jackie Ashley figures out what Cif’s punters knew within moments of Davis’s announcement – that Davis’s main goal may well be to entrench Conservative support for civil liberties, directly confronting the kind of focus-group friendly policies favoured by the other Dave (…)

But regardless of Davis’s motivations, regardless even of the eventual outcome, why did the media misjudge the mood so profoundly? In the 72 hours following the resignation there was absolute uniformity in the media, of a kind I haven’t seen since the Great Motoons Boycott. Left and right, print and broadcast, all were agreed that Davis had tossed his career away on a mixture of ego and daft idealism, and that he, his party, and the civil liberties lobby, would all suffer voters’ wrath. And yet, on phone-ins, message boards, blogs and in pubs and on park benches, whenever the topic was raised, the British public were overwhelmingly supportive both of Davis, and his ideals. Oh, and the polls put the Tories up two points.

Initially, The Sun was going to field a candidate, former editor Kelvin MacKenzie. Relying on his paper’s sure touch with the average voter, MacKenzie reckoned that he ‘could back 420 days’ and the people would vote for him. Unofficially at least, he had Rupert Murdoch’s financial backing (despite the fact that Murdoch is not a British subject, and thus can’t donate to any British electoral campaign). But it didn’t quite turn out that way:

It was going to be a classic Sun stunt. Every so often someone from the paper will dress up as a chicken or a soldier to make some photogenic point at a political event. Sometimes it is the more underdressed Page 3 girls who get recruited to some ideological crusade. Usually it is to “Back Our Boys” or to “Say Balls To Brussels”. But this time it was going to be “Stop Davis”.

But it now seems that Kelvin MacKenzie will be keeping his clothes on and won’t even be making the journey up to Hull for the David Davis inspired byelection.

The Sun - according to a headline in today’s Guardian - had ‘bottled it’.

Cannily, Davis himself has broadened his campaign beyond the 42 day detention issue, taking shots at ASBOs, CCTV and what he calls ‘the surveillance state’.

42 days imprisonment - without knowing the charges you face - is a draconian measure that both undermines our fundamental freedoms, and jeopardises our security. But the issue runs far deeper. Whether it is talking tough on terror, the rise of the database state or the growth of a surveillance society, the size, role and reach of government is now out of control. This government increasingly treats our fundamental freedoms with disdain. I believe it is time to take a stand.

Davis himself is a right-leaning Tory, opposed to the 1998 Human Rights Act, in favour of ‘British liberties and values’, opposed to the democratic deficit created by the European Union, in favour of the death penalty. The rights he supports are traditional negative rights; the values he endorses are traditional rule of law values.

New Labour - like other left parties around the world - found that the price of power was abandoning socialist economics. It continued nonetheless to support many of the ‘group rights’ and ‘positive liberties’ characteristic of the old left. Multiculturalism, anti-vilification laws, ‘community safety’ (much of the support for ASBOs came from Labour’s traditional, working-class constituency), generous benefits coupled with mutual obligation. Davis has spotted the contradiction:

The surveillance society has not improved public protection. Violent crime has doubled under this government, whilst neighbourhood spies check rubbish bins and conduct surveillance on school runs. And freedom of speech – the hallmark of any democracy – has been stifled by repressive laws. Peaceful protesters have been prosecuted for demonstrating outside Downing Street, whilst extremists have been left free to incite violence and vitriol against Britain for years.

All of these ‘collectivities’ (Davis’ last comment is an attack on the weakened deportation powers available to the UK thanks to the Human Rights Act) exacted a cost in negative liberty terms. CCTV mushroomed on British High Streets and 3000 new criminal offences (more than had existed for all of British history until that point) found their way onto the statute books, along with ASBOs and a tangled mess of EU regulations. Now ID cards are being mooted. More than anything else, Britain is evidence for the proposition that negative and positive liberty are inimical to each other, and that to enhance one is often to undermine the other. Davis’ position also demonstrates that it is perfectly possible to be a strong civil libertarian and yet opposed to at least some of the Human Rights Act; much of the Act is contradictory and unclear, too dependent on its origins in Civilian law (which was always much weaker in its protection of personal liberties than the Common law).

All this mess has come to a head in David Davis’ resignation and challenge.

To his credit, David Cameron has responded by appointing another strong civil libertarian (Dominic Grieve) as Shadow Home Secretary in Davis’ stead; the prediction that Davis’ actions would force the Tories to become the party of civil liberty has been fulfilled to that extent.

Of course, there’s a Facebook group, and if you’re on the electoral roll in the UK, you can contribute to Davis’ campaign. It’s good to see liberty getting a decent UK run at last. Maybe David Davis will be able to show that it never really went out of style.

UPDATE: This piece in the Telegraph (UK) catches the nuance in Davis’ arguments very well.

Yowch…

By Legal Eagle

I pity the poor Cambodian lad in this report:

A Cambodian teenager was recovering in hospital after a puffer fish attacked him in the groin, local media reported on Tuesday.

The Khmer-language Koh Santepheap daily ran a picture of the unnamed 13-year-old in a hospital bed with heavy strapping around his testicles, saying he was lucky to be alive.

The paper quoted the boy’s father, Sok Ly, as saying the fish had become enraged when it was accidentally trapped in the boy’s net and, when it was freed, had attacked the boy’s scrotum.

If you look at the article, you can see a picture of a puffer fish - looks sort of like a round porcupine when enraged. However, from what I can see of non-enraged puffer fish, they look quite harmless and benign… Poor kid.

Who let the loons out?

By skepticlawyer

I’ve always been a bit suspicious of the concerns about leftist academic bias common on the right. The central issue for me is fairness, not politics. As long as academics and teachers mark fairly, I’m not too worried if they believe that we’re all secretly manipulated by a race of purple midgets living on Mars (building pyramids and avoiding fractional reserve banking, of course). I’m not even terribly perturbed if academics tell their students about said purple midgets.

That said, I think I’ve found a nest of biased academics over here in the UK - the University and College Union. Admittedly they’re concentrated in one of the staff unions, so probably won’t be representative of the membership as a whole. Even so, some of this stuff is teh weirds. As many people are no doubt aware, various academic bodies have been trying to induce UK universities to engage in an academic boycott of Israel. UCU’s latest effort was framed in the following terms:

B20 Palestine National Executive Committee

Conference notes the

  • continuation of illegal settlement, killing of civilians and the impossibility of civil life, including education;
  • humanitarian catastrophe imposed on Gaza by Israel and the EU;
  • apparent complicity of the Israeli academy;

affirms that

  • criticism of Israel or Israeli policy are not, as such, anti-semitic;
  • pursuit and dissemination of knowledge are not uniquely immune from their moral and political consequences;

resolves that

  • UCU widely disseminate the personal testimonies of UCU and PFUUPE delegations to Palestine and the UK, respectively;
  • the testimonies will be used to promote a wide discussion by colleagues of the appropriateness of continued educational links with Israeli academic institutions;
  • UCU facilitate twinning arrangements and other direct solidarity with Palestinian institutions;
  • Ariel College, an explicitly colonising institution in the West Bank, be investigated under the formal Greylisting Procedure

This - as Oxford University pointed out in its statement on the issue - represents a watered down version of the original plan, which was for a straight-out boycott:

We reject this resolution. Knowing that an explicit call for an academic boycott would be unlawful, the UCU Conference has adopted a device which seeks the same end, but implicitly. The change in wording this year dispels none of our fundamental objections to any academic boycott.

The UCU document itself is a fascinating summary of loopy left hobbyhorses, not just on Israel, but on everything else from preventing the military from recruiting on campus to ‘Cuba Solidarity’ and encouraging ’stop the war’ coalitions at British universities. It’s worth contrasting the weakness of the statement on human rights abuses in Zimbabwe with the strength of the motion supporting Cuba. Love the whole ’socialist revolution’ line - never mind that there hasn’t been an election in the place since 1959, natch.

I suppose I should disclose a personal interest on the Cuba front, in that one of the legal jobs I took on last year involved getting a Cuban intellectual asylum in the UK. This meant getting up close and personal to a degree I found distinctly uncomfortable with the Cuban authorities and learning far more than I ever wanted to about the way Cuba treats all its people - not just dissidents.

This, however, is the best line of the lot:

To encourage branches and local associations to organise teach-ins on the “war on terror” in co-operation with students and other campus unions.

Teach-ins? Memo to the silly lefties in the UCU: it is not 1968. Repeat s l o w l y after me: it is not 1968.

[UPDATE: Here is my take on political beliefs and academia - LE]

A new way of policing “doof-doof”

By Legal Eagle

When my husband and I first moved in together, we lived in a set of terrace houses. We’d lived there about two years when new tenants moved in two doors down. The new tenants were Columbian exchange students, and I don’t think they took their studies seriously. What they did take seriously was partying hard and long. Thus, we frequently had very loud music reverberating through the terrace house until 5am in the morning on weeknights. Initially, we didn’t want to be killjoys, and we kept in mind that we had both been involved in some crazy parties during our university years. But after the parties started happening with weekly frequency, we called the police a few times (particularly after the communal carpark was left in a really, really disgusting state a few times - I don’t want to describe it - you can imagine). However, I think the police had better things to do with their time.

Well now it seems that there might be a new option for those who play music too loudly at inappropriate times - the Copyright Police. Oh yes. This story from the UK (forwarded to me by the indefatigable Dave Bath) may be a sign of things to come:

The Performing Rights Society (PRS), which collects royalties for musicians in the UK, has accused Lancashire police of committing copyright infringement by playing music in police stations and to callers on hold without an appropriate license. In a writ submitted to the High Court, the PRS has called for an injunction and payment of damages.

The PRS contends that playing music that is audible to others constitutes a public performance, meaning that it can’t be done without a license. The Lancashire police stations play music in the background, at office parties, and in staff gyms, even though they have not purchased licenses that enable them to do so legally. PRS says that it has attempted to collect licensing fees from police all over the country, but Lancashire is one of 11 that have refused to pay up, which is why PRS decided to take legal action.

Oooh, I do love Lancastrians, they refuse to take shite from anyone (you can guess from this comment an approximation of my place of abode when living in the UK).

But it provides an answer for the next time that you have to listen to music played too loudly by your neighbours, children, parents or other nearby persons…perhaps the Copyright Police will be watching.

(Via Ars Technica)

Public Service Announcement

By skepticlawyer

In light of recent revelations about Caz & the Hack, perhaps we should have been a bit less willing to accede to an archival request from the National Library of Australia, but we have. That means this site is now archived electronically in the library’s ‘PANDORA‘ archive.

We’re not sure how regularly this is likely to take place (there’s only one update so far), but it does mean that - along with our musings - all your pearls of wisdom are recorded on a really robust server independent of the Ozblogistan server (Jacques’ hosting operation), presumably for all time. Quite a few other ozblogs are also stored in the archive, and I suspect the library people will track down those they haven’t got in the database in due course.

As Caz and the Hack discovered, Pandora (and the internet generally) has a degree of stickiness, even after some time has elapsed. People do remember, for good or ill, and go hunting on your pixel trail if they’ve got a mind to do so. I’m not one of the types who thinks that people should be held to account over every intemperate blog post or comment they’ve ever made - and I resented it enormously when one LP writer I admired was chased away from blogging thanks to a faction fight in the ALP - but I do think the internet’s surprising degree of permanence is as good a reason as any to be pleasant peeps on the intertubes.